“Over three decades of democracy, South Africa has witnessed a dramatic expansion of higher education, doubling student enrolments and bringing the proportion of black African students close to demographic representation. By definition, such expansion implies that many students were the first in their families or communities to attend higher education. With the grossly unequal schooling system in South Africa, it is understandable that universities have wanted to be responsive to the needs of students deemed to be underprepared for tertiary education, a goal aligned with legislation aimed at transforming society through education. But what are the implications when we create classifications to mark out these students as in need of special support: whether ‘at risk’, ‘disadvantaged’ or now with the apparently neutral term of ‘first-generation student’?” asked Jennifer M. Case of the Department of Engineering Education, Virginia Tech & Department of Chemical Engineering, University of Cape Town.
“This study aims to interrogate the ‘first-generation’ concept by researching the experiences of South Africans who entered higher education in the 1990s and may have been subject to such forms of othering. These narratives will be placed in conversation with the experiences of current students, both first and second generation, to deliberate further on these practices of naming particular groups of students based on perceived academic need.”
Referring to her parents in the 1960s – she pointed out that although meeting the criterion of first-generation students, “neither of them were labelled as different kinds of students by the institution”.
But the practice of referring to students using markers is very much used by institutions now with the terminologies having evolved over time from initial adjectives like ‘underprepared’ and ‘disadvantaged’.
Why access and success matters
Case began by emphasising that in a country like South Africa, numbers do matter. She explained that enrolment in universities doubled in the first 20 years of democracy with a dramatic change in the enrolment of Black Africans. “At democracy the gross enrolment rate for Black Africans was 9%, now it’s 23%,” she said.
She also noted the impact of #FeesMustFall in 2015. After the protests there were changes in the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) which increased the earnings level for assistance to R350 000 which meant more students qualified. “About half of students are now supported by NSFAS,” she said. “But there are serious deficiencies in how the system actually operates.”
“Overall, the proportion of the working-age population with post-secondary education was 7% in 1994 and 13.8% in 2020, still some way off the 2030 NDP goal of 22%.”
In this period, the South African population increased (from 44 to 60 million) and employment also changed. With more casualisation; a decline in artisanship; the impact of global de-industralisation; and, particularly in South Africa, the decline of state enterprises (like Eskom) – many jobs simply evaporated.
“Jobs needing higher education are an area of growth, but many graduates are still unemployed. Of 25-year-old graduates, an analysis of recent labour force data shows only 60% are employed, by age 35, 80% are employed,” she said.
“Young graduates are struggling to get employment,” she continued. “Race is still the most important determinant of employment and white graduates still have the best outcomes early – with social networks playing a huge role. However, , overall, graduates still have a better employment outcome and earn more over their lifetimes compared to non-graduates.”
“So, access and success in South Africa really matters. But does the first-generation label help us get there?”
Critique of the terminology
Case indicated that the first paper she has found that uses this terminology was by FF Adachi published in the US in 1979 but that the term only really took off from 2005.
There has also been lots of critique.
“Much of the critique acknowledges that background influences the student experience but asks if the notion itself has causal agency or whether other things like race are more associated. The scientific validity of the label is also questioned because it assumes heterogeneity in this group. It is a ‘chaotic concept’ – lumping things together that don’t necessarily fit together.”
“Development literature also says the concept is context specific, and in the African context the link between parental education and the attainments of their children has actually declined,” she continued. “Furthermore, other scholars offer the socio-political critique that it serves the interests of the institution more than those of the students.” For example, she suggested that it might be
“ more about institutions wanting to say they are doing a good thing and to improve their institutional rankings.”
She emphasised that South Africa scholars seem to be cautiously in favour of the term because it’s not a deficit term, is deemed to be more inclusive. But it does imply a dichotomous condition describing parents’ education, which is not a dichotomous variable.
“But,” she added. “Separate but equal has a very specific history in South Africa – it’s an obnoxious phrase and never achievable. The #FeesMustFall and #RhodesMustFall protests did not hold back on their critiques of academic-development and foundation programmes.”
With all this in mind, Case’s STIAS project is hoping to unravel these complexities for the South African context and understanding. She has formed a group of academics interested in education research who will conduct interviews across the country to ascertain perceptions and experiences of students from the 1990s to contrast these with those of current students. The project will launch with an initial workshop at STIAS and hopes to eventually propose a monograph for the STIAS series.
“I’m fascinated by the 1990s,” she said. “It was a time of transition. I’m interested in seeing what it looks like looking back. It was a very different generation – they believed they had a new future, now the sense is that there are no jobs. The idea of ‘first generation’ is that once a family has sent someone to university, the struggle is over, but we must put people’s experiences into context.”
“Of course, this is a narrative-driven study – with people talking about themselves and their experiences – we don’t know what will come out. Every interview is an associative construction that gives a certain version of a story. I anticipate most of the interviewees will be Black African, but the team has feelers into all corners of the country and we won’t limit upfront who we want to interview.”
“We want to understand why we label some people and not others, who is using the term, and what would students choose to put forward,” she concluded. “I’m challenged by the idea of the comparative and about what gets erased when you are celebrated by others’ as opposed to your own choices.”
Michelle Galloway: Part-time media officer at STIAS
Photograph: SCPS Photography